Edward’s Relatives & The American Revolutionary War

The following is excerpted and edited from the book “Edward Farmar and the Sons of Whitemarsh.”

The relationship between America and England had been deteriorating since King George III’s Royal Proclamation in 1763, and after a series of parliamentary taxes in the 1760’s,[1] many questioned whether England had any jurisdiction over the colonies. By 1774, the argument was that Parliament was the legislative body of England only, and the colonies with their own legislatures had the respective authority within America. After the 1774 Coercive Acts stripped Massachusetts of their self-governance for their role in the 1773 Boston Tea Party, the First Continental Congress with delegates from the other twelve colonies met in Philadelphia from 05 September to 26 September 1774. As their appeal to King George III had no effect, the Second Continental Congress met again on 10 May 1775 and the delegates urged each colony to establish and train their own militia. By then, the first shots of war had occurred on 19 April 1775 at the Battle of Lexington and Concord. Many had hoped for reconciliation, but the king rejected Congress’ petition and issued a Proclamation of Rebellion after the Battle of Bunker Hill and Siege of Boston in June 1775. King George sought foreign assistance to suppress the “open and avowed rebellion” and encouraged citizens to “use their utmost endeavours to withstand and suppress such rebellion” including reporting anyone engaged in “traitorous correspondence.”

Elizabeth “Eliza” (Halroyd) Farmer, the wife of Dr. Richard Farmer of Philadelphia, was dismayed by the actions of the British, evidenced in a letter to her nephew Jack Halroyd, a clerk at the East India Company in London.

“June 28th, 1775
My Dear Jack-
We have nothing going on now but preparations for war… there is hardly a man that is not old but is leaving, except the Quakers; and there is two Companys of them, all in a Pretty Uniform of Sky blue turn’d up with white. There is Six or Seven different sorts of Uniforms beside a Company of light Horse and one Rangers and another of Indians: these are all of Philadelphia; besides all the Provinces arming and Training in the same Manner for they are all determined to die or be Free. It is not the low Idle Fellow that fight only for pay, but Men of great property are Common Soldiers who secretagogue hgh say they are fighting for themselves and Posterity. There is accounts come that they are now fighting at Boston and that the Army set Charles Town on fire in order to land the Troops under cover of the Smoak…
The People are getting into Manufacture of different Sorts particularly Salt Peter and Gunpowder; the Smiths are almost all turned Gunsmiths and cannot work fast enough. God knows how it will end but I fear it will be very bad on both sides; and if your devilish Minestry and parliment don’t make some concesions and repeal the Acts, England will lose America for, as I said before, they are determined to be free…”
[2]

With the Declaration of Independence signed on 04 July 1776 in Philadelphia, a handwritten copy was sent to John Dunlap who printed more than two hundred copies of the “broadside” for distribution. While the document had been printed in the Pennsylvania Evening Post on 06 July 1776, the first formal public reading took place on 08 July 1776 under an order of the President of Congress on Friday, 05 July 1776.[3]

At eleven o’clock that sunny morning, the church bells and the bell at the State House began to summon the citizens of the city and from the surrounding countryside to the State House yard. Having entered through the large gate on the south side, a crude platform was to the east, constructed in 1769 by the American Philosophical Society for observing the transit of Venus. They looked around the walled area, including the prison, from which Tory sympathizers and other convicts looked down from the windows. Soldiers manned the cannons lining the sides, while wagons carrying ammunition, powder, and military stores were positioned around. Everyone waited patiently on the hard, rutted ground, with nearby willow trees offering shade.

At the first bell, the Committee of Safety, charged with the defense of the colony, assembled in their chamber. Present were Chairman George Clymer, Joseph Parker, James Biddle, David Rittenhouse, Owen Biddle, Thomas Wharton, Jr., Michael Hillegas, John Cadwallader, George Gray, Samuel Howell, Samuel Morris, James Mease, and John Nixon. Meanwhile, the Committee of Inspection, including Christopher Marshall, convened at the Philosophical Hall and soon met with the Committee of Safety.

The bells stopped at noon when a two-by-two procession entered the State House yard. At the head were constables and staff, then the Sheriff of Philadelphia William Dewees[4] and Coroner Robert Jewell, and their deputies following behind. The Committee of Safety and the Committee of Inspection followed as a body behind the procession. The restless crowd began to quiet as Sheriff William Dewees climbed the observatory stairs with his acting deputy, Colonel John Nixon, close behind, along with members of the Committee of Safety and local dignitaries.

Dewees approached the railing and addressed the crowd.

“Under the authority of the Continental Congress and by order of the Committee of Safety, I proclaim a declaration of independence.”

Colonel Nixon then stepped forward and, having been appointed by Dewees for reasons unknown, proceeded to read the document.

“In Congress, July 4, 1776. A Declaration by the Representatives of the United States of America. When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature’s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation…”

A loud applause erupted with the opening sentence. Colonel Nixon, in a loud and resonant voice that could be heard as far as Mr. Norris’ house on the east side of Fifth Street, continued to read, while those in attendance listened attentively, occasionally interrupting with applause. When he finished, the State House bell rang once more to the excitement of the audience and three hearty huzzahs. There was little conversation as some of the crowd made their way to Armitage’s tavern. Others followed the speakers to the courthouse, where the document was again read. The Committee of Inspection removed the king’s arms first from the courthouse and then from the statehouse. They were carried to the common, where later that evening, the citizens cheered and celebrated with a great bonfire while church bells tolled through the clear, starry night.

In the spring of 1777, Colonel William Farmar Dewees, Edward Farmar’s grandson, was asked to store army supplies at Valley Forge based on its suitable location and number of storage buildings, “contrary to [his] wishes and remonstrances.”[5] His Mount Joy iron works, in partnership with David Potts, the brother of William’s wife Sarah Potts, were essential in manufacturing cannonballs, bullets, rifles, knives, bayonets, and other military supplies.

In September 1777, British Lieutenant General William Howe sailed from New York and invaded Pennsylvania from the Chesapeake Bay. After defeating the American forces at the Battle of Brandywine on September 11, Howe, with information from a Tory supporter, sent Lieutenant Colonel William Harcourt with three companies of light infantry and part of the Sixteenth Light Dragoons to Valley Forge.

They arrived on September 18 and found Dewees, Lieutenant Colonel Alexander Hamilton, and Captain Henry Lee trying to move the military supplies across the Schuylkill River.[6] As the British force of 400 men advanced and fired, the Americans fled by barge across the Valley Creek, where Colonel Dewees’ horse was shot while trying to cross. The British remained until the night of September 22, but not until after they had proceeded to burn the forge, sawmill, two large stone dwelling houses, two coal houses, four hundred loads of coal, and 2,200 bushels of wheat and rye as witnessed by Major Caleb North of the Tenth Pennsylvania Infantry. Losses also included his household belongings and livestock.

After the defeat at the Battle of Germantown, Washington’s army retreated along several paths and encampments until November 2, when Washington marched his forces to Whitemarsh Township. Howe, on his return march, burned all of the houses and businesses between Germantown Township and Philadelphia, including the Rising Sun Inn which was owned by William Maulsby, the son of Merchant Maulsby, Sr.[7]

Meanwhile, Colonel Dewees and a neighbor, Joseph Cloyd, were captured on 24 October while travelling along Ridge Road. They were imprisoned at British headquarters in Philadelphia for three and a half days with no food or provisions until they were transferred to a new jail for six days, again with no food, with exception to food provided by Joseph’s wife. To avoid starvation, and to ensure their release, they both swore an allegiance to King George III.

At the conclusion of the “Battle of White Marsh,” and with the British thirteen miles away in Philadelphia for the winter, the Continental Army left Whitemarsh on December 11. After an eight-day journey to travel thirteen miles, Washington and his army of 12,000 arrived at Valley Forge.

Valley Forge’s high terrain overlooking wide, open areas and the proximity to the Schuylkill River provided advantages for supply movements, training, and protection against surprise enemy attacks. Approximately 1300 to 1600 huts of varying size, material, and construction were built for living quarters by cutting down the trees and dismantling the split rail fences, which were also used for heating and cooking fires. For six months from 18 December 1777 to 19 June 1778, the army faced supply shortages, malnutrition, starvation, and disease where 11,500 horses and 700 to 2,000 soldiers died.

Colonel Dewees and his second wife, Sarah Waters, endeavored to relieve the suffering of the army at Valley Forge at their great expense. While the army was stationed in their vicinity, General Washington and his wife Martha were frequently entertained at the Dewees mansion. General Washington had sent Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Stewart to defend the manor house. During this visit, Thomas first met Edward Farmar’s granddaughter, Rachel Dewees, a young and very lovely girl who was not quite eighteen years old. In a case of love at first sight, both were married only a few months after they first met. After the wedding, the bridal party and their host of friends were returning to Thomas’ home in Bucks County on horseback when they met Washington. The General drew up his troops on each side of the road, then dismounted and congratulated Stewart and his bride. He also claimed the privilege of a kiss from the bride, who was well-known to General Washington.[8]

Dr. Richard Farmar and his wife Eliza were presumably Loyalists, and it may be no surprise that when Richard’s daughter, Sarah, fell in love with Major William Bowers, a Continental soldier, her parents were averse to the marriage. Tradition says that “Miss Sallie,” under the cover of darkness, climbed out of a second story window and eloped in 1778.

Following the British destruction of his iron works at Mount Joy and the army’s “destruction” of Valley Forge, Colonel William Farmar Dewees moved his family into his father-in-law’s home in Tredyffrin Township. He was in financial ruin, and after the war, Dewees tried to resurrect his business, but became bankrupt in 1784 when the sheriff confiscated his property and returned to Tredyffrin Township. In 1785, Dewees petitioned Congress for compensation claiming,

“a merciless enemy had either carried off or burned his property [and that the American soldiers’ destruction of the] greatest part of his standing timber and all of his fences deprived [him] of the Power to erect New Buildings, and rendered the Premises of less Value than they previously were…”

The petition was referred as early as January 1791 to the Secretary of the Treasury, Alexander Hamilton – the same person who was with Dewees moving military supplies when the British attacked in September 1777. It was Hamilton’s opinion that…

“it is advisable carefully to forbear a special interposition of the Legislature in favor of special claims [that the] lapse of time has added to the difficulty of investigating satisfactorily claims which generally rest on evidence merely oral, and which, instrinsically, are liable to much vagueness and abuse…”[9]

Although sympathetic to his cause, Congress never acted on the claims during William’s life for his losses for which Congress had no monies to cover the funds.[10] A petition was presented again on 25 January 1794, referred to a select committee, and rejected on 15 December 1794. Before he died in 1809, Dewees again petitioned Congress to no avail. After his death, his son William and wife Sarah continued to pursue the claim when Congress introduced a bill on 5 February 1817. President James Monroe signed a petition in 1818 granting Dewees’ widow $8,000 for the damage caused by the British, but not for the damage caused by the American army. Sarah Dewees finally received an additional $900 compensation in 1820 from the State of Pennsylvania – forty-three years after the destruction at Valley Forge. Sarah Dewees died in 1822.

Today, Valley Forge National Historic Park preserves and protects over 3,500 acres of the original site.

Philip Farmer is the author and publisher of “Edward Farmar and the Sons of Whitemarsh,” a 500-page, 155-year biographical history of the family immigration from Ireland into Pennsylvania, North Carolina, Virginia, Tennessee, and Harlan County, Kentucky. Complete with bibliography and footnotes that supports the research.

Click me for more info

“Very well written and researched…” Ms. L. King

“I love your work… Very interesting!” Ms. B. H. Baker

“Amazing research!” Ms. J. Shipley

“Wonderfully researched, well written… recommend it even if you’re not related to the Farmar’s…” Mr. D. Roark

“Excellent book! We highly recommend!” Ms. E. Wolf

“Very informative and interesting. I could not put it down.” Ms. E. Farley



[1] Taxes such as the 1765 Stamp Act, 1767 Townshend Acts, and 1764 Sugar Act, to name a few.

[2] North et al, In the Words of Women, p.94.

[3] Various accounts differ on the events of 08 July 1776. This account summarized from:  Keyser, The Liberty Bell, p.20-22; Hart, “Colonel John Nixon,” p.195-196; “We Declare Independence.” American Heritage.

[4] Edward’s son-in-law William Dewees, having married Rachel Farmar. One resource erroneously states “Thomas Dewees” (Hart, “Colonel John Nixon,” p.196)

[5] 33rd Congress, 1st Session, Rep. No. 108, “Heirs of Col. Willis Riddick [To accompany bill. H.R. No. 274]”, per the report from the Committee on Revolutionary Claims dated 17 April 1834.

[6] Henry Lee III (1756-1818), later served as Governor of Virginia (1791-1794) and father of General Robert E. Lee, commander of Army of the Confederate States of America during the Civil War. Alexander Hamilton (1755-1804), first Secretary of the Treasury, and founder of the nation’s financial system, the Federalist Party, the United States Coast Guard, and the New York Post newspapers.

[7] Barnard, Early Maltby, With Some Roades History and that of the Maulsby Family in America, p.153. William Maulsby, son of Merchant Maulsby, Sr., married Hannah Coulston, the granddaughter of Jacob and Ann Rhodes, at the Old Swedes’ Church, Philadelphia, in 1756. In 1763 he removed his certificate from Gwynedd to Philadelphia. He was owner of the Rising Sun Inn, on the Germantown Road, in Germantown Township, eleven miles from the city of Philadelphia.

[8] Jordan, et al. Personal Memoirs of The Lehigh Valley, p.42-43.

[9] 28th Congress, 1st Session, Report from the Committee on Revolutionary Claims dated 15 January 1844.

[10] “…in June 1783, and appraisement was, on oath, made of the property destroyed by the enemy at the sum of £3,404 3s 4p… and wood destroyed at £300… and that these accounts were submitted to the Board of Treasury about the year 1784 or 1785…” (16th Congress, 2nd Session, No. 538 “Loss of Property at Valley Forge” dated 20 December 1820). In 2018, this is the equivalent of $828,250.