Samuel Farmar, Merchant of Norfolk

In 1685, Major Jasper Farmar’s son, Major Samuel Farmar, remained in Ireland while the family moved to Pennsylvania. Four years later, Samuel would also immigrate to America. This is the story of his son, Samuel Farmar, Merchant of Norfolk.

In the previous blogs, we mention how Burke’s Landed Gentry states that Major Samuel Farmar’s “valuable estates in Virginia” were “lost by his children, in consequence of their adherence to the royal cause in the American war.” The following has been excerpted and edited from the book Edward Farmar and the Sons of Whitemarsh.

Major Samuel’s son Samuel, and therefore a nephew of Edward Farmar, was a merchant of Norfolk, Virginia. He married Susanna ___ and together they had two sons:

Samuel Farmar, born in 1752. Died on 21 April 1791 at the age of thirty-nine and buried at St. Paul’s Episcopal Church in Norfolk, Virginia.

Robert Farmar, born in 1753. Died on 16 March 1842 at the age of eighty-nine in Norfolk and buried at Cedar Grove Cemetery in Norfolk, Virginia.

An early mention of Samuel Sr. appears in 1761 to which he is paid £50 for land purchased by the Borough of Norfolk to develop the “Fort Land,” between the southwest angle of Main and Fayette Streets and Elizabeth River.[1]

And another mention in the Virginia Gazette on 07 September 1769 where Samuel is selling a chariot and wishes to form a joint venture to put his negro slaves to work.[2]

After the start of the American Revolutionary War on 19 April 1775, tensions had escalated in Virginia. The Whigs/Patriots controlled most of the Virginia Assembly and with the recruitment of a militia as early as March 1775, controlling the available weapons, ammunition, and gunpowder became a challenge for both sides of the conflict. The Virginia Governor, John Murray, the 4th Earl of Dunmore (“Lord Dunmore”), ordered his troops to remove the gunpowder from storage in Williamsburg to a Royal Navy ship, which in turn, caused an uprising with the militia. Lord Dunmore abandoned his Williamsburg residence in June 1775 and soon four warships, the Dunmore, the Liverpool, the Otter, and the Kingfisher were positioned in a threatening line along the Norfolk waterfront. At first, this was an assuring sign for a city that had strong Loyalist support from the mercantile community of merchants, clerks, and shippers who considered a war with England a path to commercial and financial ruin.

By mid-October, General Thomas Gage, under orders from Lord Dunmore, was raiding the counties in Virginia to disrupt the Whig military supplies… counties such as Montgomery and Wythe/Grayson where disruption of the lead mines was occurring in Edward’s grandson William’s neighborhood.

By the end of October, the Whigs had captured a British ship that had run aground near Hampton, Virginia as well as several sailors. Lord Dunmore reacted by issuing a proclamation on 07 November 1775 to declare martial law and promised freedom for slaves who left their owners and joined the British. 80,000 to 100,000 negro men ran from their plantations and enlisted. By 30 November 1775, Lord Dunmore was confident that he had a sizable army to “reduce this colony to a proper sense of their duty.”[3]

Soon after the British defeat at the Battle of Great Bridge, and fearing for his own safety, Lord Dunmore along with other Loyalist merchants, sought refuge on board the Fleet. One merchant was William Farrar who had arrived from England to America in 1764. On 12 December 1775, Farrar hired the Peggy to move his goods out of Norfolk. Regrettably, the Peggy was captured by an American privateer about four leagues from Bermuda, but then was recaptured by the British and brought to New York. Farrar and his family were aboard the Fleet with the Governor as attested by a letter from Lord Dunmore.

George Washington knew Lord Dunmore well, and although Dunmore was on a ship, Washington wrote a letter to Charles Lee in late December:

“if that Man is not crushed before Spring, he will become the most formidable Enemy America has…” and that “nothing less than depriving him of life or liberty will secure peace to Virginia”

By autumn 1775, Norfolk was effectively blockaded by land with the American troops, and with the small British fleet in the harbor. On 14 December 1775, Colonel Robert Howe’s North Carolina Regulators and Colonel William Woodford of the 2nd Virginia Regiment moved their 1200 men into Norfolk. After surmising the strategic positioning of the British ships and their ability to navigate and deploy their forces, Howe and Woodford recommended to the Virginia Assembly that Norfolk be abandoned and burned.

On 24 December 1775, Henry Bellew, the captain of the Liverpool, sent an ultimatum into the town, stating that he preferred to purchase provisions instead of taking them by force. Howe rejected the ultimatum, knowing full well what had happened three months earlier to Falmouth, Maine, and prepared for a bombardment. On December 30, Bellew suggested that it would “not be imprudent” for women and children to leave the town, who by the prior week had made their exodus with the majority of the 6,000 inhabitants of the city. Howe refused to withdraw his men, telling Bellew…

“I am too much an Officer… to recede from any point which I conceive to be my duty.”[4]

Between 3pm and 4pm on 01 January 1776, the four warships with more than 100 guns opened fire on the town and into the evening. Landing parties were sent ashore to retrieve provisions and to set fire to buildings that Patriot snipers had been using as posts from which to shoot at the fleet.

The British succeeded in setting most of the waterfront ablaze. The next morning Colonel Howe reported that “the whole town will I doubt not be consum’d in a day or two”[5] and in a letter to the Virginia Assembly, Howe wrote of the events on that day:

“Between three and four o’clock, a severe cannonade began from all the shipping, under cover of which they landed small parties, and set fire to the houses on the wharves. The wind favoured their design and we believe the flames will become general…. In the confusion which they supposed would ensue, they frequently attempted to land; but this, by the bravery of our officers and men, we have hitherto prevented, with only a few men wounded on our side, and we persuade ourselves, with a good deal of loss on theirs. Their efforts and our opposition, still continue… We have stationed ourselves in such a manner as will, we believe, render everything but burning the houses ineffectual. We wait with impatience your further orders…”[6]

Colonel Howe’s report to the Virginia Convention omitted that the Patriot militia had targeted, looted, and burned some Loyalist properties that continued for three days. A newspaper account published by Lord Rawdon prompted some questions about the Patriots’ involvement, but many assumed that British forces were responsible for most of the damage, and no inquiries were made in the immediate aftermath. It was not until 1777 that the full extent of Patriot participation in the burning was acknowledged. Damage to the town by the Patriot forces significantly exceeded that done by the British, destroying 863 buildings valued at £120,000. In comparison, the British bombardment destroyed only nineteen properties worth £3,000.

“Incident in the Burning of Norfolk.”

 

By the time order was restored, much of Norfolk had been destroyed, but Howe repeated the recommendation that the entire town be annihilated. The Assembly approved Howe’s plan, and by February 6 the remaining 416 structures were destroyed. The Patriot forces withdrew from Norfolk to other nearby posts. They were organized three months later in March 1776 under the command of General Charles Lee to evict Lord Dunmore from a camp he had established near Portsmouth. Lord Dunmore finally abandoned Virginia in August 1776.

William Farrar filed claims for losses that amounted to “the loss of land, negroes, household goods, and houses at Norfolk, valued at £4,572.” His claim was reviewed on 08 October 1777 by a commission of the Virginia House of Delegates, where he was eventually allowed £100. Farrar would submit another claim in 1778 requesting an increase in compensation.[7]

The day after Farrar’s 1777 review, Samuel had his claim reviewed.[8] The Schedule of Claims has Samuel’s losses at five houses valued at £768 destroyed by “State troops” before January 15 with P. Watlington and J. Bishop providing proof of loss.[9]

Another claim was sent on 15 May 1778 from “Samuel Farmar, merchant, late of Norfolk, Virginia, for the loss of 300 acres, a house, goods, furniture and debts, which were not valued.”[10] On 07 November 1778, “Agreeable to an Act of Assembly for Sequestering British property,” Thomas Newton, Esq. was appointed Commissioner for the Estates of Samuel Farmar and twenty-eight other persons, presumably those listed in the October 1777 review.[11]

In addition, after Samuel Sr.’s death on 13 May 1780 in Bermuda, his widowed wife Susanna submitted a claim for losses on 16 June 1781, producing several letters, including those from Lieutenant Governor George Bruere of Bermuda, of which are included in the book.

The petitions by Samuel Farmar Sr., Susanna Farmar, and their son Samuel Jr. appeared to have no effect. In a letter dated 04 March 1782 to Colonel William Davies from Thomas Newton, Jr…[12]

“Dear Sir

I shall be much obliged if you’d send me down half a doz’n Commissions for this Borough. We have now near fifty men & expect soon to have enough to have two Companies. Don’t forget to have the Escheated lands of this place inquired into, the Caveats enter’d against the Sales are frivolous & ought to be set aside. There is considerable property to be sold yet vizt: Boners’, Farmars’, & Doct Campbell’s & some others.

I amd Dr. Sir,

Yrs:  respectfully.”

On 17 May 1786, there were additional hearings regarding Loyalist claims, including Samuel Jr.’s in which several letters describe the Farmar family’s escape from Norfolk aboard the Fleet with Lord Dunmore to Bermuda, the valued loss of property and slaves of both Samuel and Robert, and description of property which has not sold yet.

In a letter dated 26 June 1788, Susanna’s sister-in-law, Elizabeth (Halroyd) Farmar, wrote to her husband Dr. Richard Farmar’s cousin, Hugh Hovell Farmer, Esq. of Dunsinane, County Wexford, Ireland,[13] that…

“There is in Virginia a nephew of Mr. Farmer’s, his eldest brother’s son. His father died in Bermuda, and there is a farm in County Cork (Ireland) upon lease for three lives. Mr. Farmar is the last, but his nephew is heir as eldest son of the eldest son. The troublesome time in America has been the reason it has not been looked after before, and as they were of the Tory party, he could not come here for some time. If you can be of service to him in certifying the identity of Mr. Farmar being one of the three brothers, it may be of service. The Americans, on his joining Lord Dunmore, seized and destroyed all they had in Virginia.”[14]

Remarkably, even with the loss of land, estate, and income, Susanna and her sons Robert and Samuel not only continue to return and reside in Norfolk, but help it rebuild. By the end of 1783, not more than twelve houses had been rebuilt. By the end of 1796, 700 to 800 houses had been built. In February 1788, the first organized fire department was established by an act of the Assembly, in which the charter members included both Robert and Samuel, as well as three other original subscribers to the Fort Land Project of 1761.[15]

Samuel Jr. died on 21 April 1791. His mother Susanna died 20 September 1807 and was buried at St. Paul’s Episcopal Church in Norfolk, Virginia forty-one yards from her son.[16] The church, having survived the city’s destruction during the American Revolutionary War and the American Civil War, still has a British cannonball lodged in its wall.

Robert Farmar is listed in the 1801 City Directory as a “commission merchant” with his store at 24 Main Street.[17] The directory also has his residence at No. 22 Bank Street, a road that Robert laid out in 1796 and originally called “Farmer’s Lane” from 1797 to 1800. In 1805, Robert deeded the road to the borough described as “an 18-foot strip of land running from Main Street near the Market House to a bridge across the Back Street to Catharine Street.”[18]  In 1821, Robert is renting a new three-story brick storefront on Bank Street.

Robert lived to be eighty-nine when he died on 16 March 1842. His will, dated 24 March 1838, bequeaths most of his estate to his friends George and Mary Wilson of Nansemond County, Virginia, late of the Isle of Wight. The full last will and testament has been included in the book.

Robert Farmar was buried at Cedar Grove Cemetery in Norfolk, Virginia. In 2018, The Norfolk Society for Cemetery Conservation restored the table top to his tomb with a new marker that reads:

“Sacred To The Memory of Robert Farmar, Son of Samuel & Susanna Farmar, A native of the Borough of Norfolk, Virginia, Born 1753, Died here in the Borough of Norfolk, Virginia, March 16, 1842, A man upright in his conducts, Greatly esteemed by all who know him, And died much lamented.[19]

Restored grave of Robert Farmar

Philip Farmer is the author and publisher of “Edward Farmar and the Sons of Whitemarsh,” a 500-page, 155-year biographical history of the Farmer family’s immigration from Ireland into Pennsylvania, North Carolina, Virginia, Tennessee, and Harlan County, Kentucky. Complete with bibliography and footnotes that supports the research.

click me

Very well written and researched…” Ms. L. King

I love your work… Very interesting!Ms. B. H. Baker

“Amazing research! Ms. J. Shipley

“Wonderfully researched, well written… recommend it even if you’re not related to the Farmar’s…” Mr. D. Roark

 

 

[1] Whichard, The History of Lower Tidewater Virginia, p.397.

[2] Virginia Gazette, 07 September 1769, p.4.

[3] Lord Dunmore’s Proclamation, 07 November 1775.

[4] Letter from Robert Howe to Henry Bellew, 30 December 1775.

[5] Letter from Robert Howe to the President of the Convention in Williamsburg, 02 January 1776.

[6] Letter from Robert Howe and William Woodford to the Virginia Convention, dated 10 o’clock pm, 01 January 1776.

[7] “Loyalist Claims, Series II – Virginia, Claims,” p.3.

[8] Journal and Reports of the Commissioners Appointed by the Act of 1777, p.7

[9] The schedule states “before January 15, 1775.” As the Burning of Norfolk occurred in January 1776, the dates within the schedule are in error.

[10] “Loyalist Claims, Series II – Virginia, Claims,” p.3.

[11] Cook, “Farmar of Ardevalaine,” p.108.

[12] Thomas Newton (21 November 1768 – 05 August 1847), a prominent politician who at the time of the letter was commissioned by the Governor of Virginia as judge of the court of Oyer and Terminer (“hear and determine”). His role was to inquire into all treasons, felonies, and misdemeanors and determine the outcome according to law.

[13] Hugh Hovell Farmar, son of Dr. Hovell Farmar (1701-1758) of Mount Hovell, County Cork and Katherine Dorothea, eldest daughter of Christopher Russell, Esq. Dr. Hovell Farmar was the son of Robert Farmar, Esq. (1677-1743) of Fergus, County Cork and Grace Hovell, daughter of William Hovell, Esq. of Mount Hovell. Robert Farmar was the son of Richard Farmar. Hugh Hovell Farmer was therefore first cousins-twice removed with Dr. Richard Farmar (Burke, A Genealogical and Heraldic Dictionary of the Landed Gentry of Great Britain and Ireland (1858), p.368-369).

[14] Cook, “The Farmars of Ardevalaine,” p.108. Original citation Eliza Farmar Letter Book, 1774-1719, MS, Historical Society of Pennsylvania.

[15] Whichard, History of Lower Tidewater Virginia, p.430.

[16] McPhillips, “St. Paul’s Churchyard.”

[17] Jordan, “Norfolk Directory 1801,” p.15.

[18] Whichard, The History of Lower Tidewater Virginia, p.428.

[19] “Norfolk Society for Cemetery Conservation,” Facebook.

 

 

 

Dr. Richard Farmar

In 1685, Major Jasper Farmar’s son, Samuel, remained in Ireland while the family moved to Pennsylvania. Four years later, Samuel would also immigrate to America. This is the story of his son, Dr. Richard Farmar, who settled in Philadelphia.

In the previous blog, we mention how Burke’s Landed Gentry states that Major Samuel Farmar’s “valuable estates in Virginia” were “lost by his children, in consequence of their adherence to the royal cause in the American war.” The following has been excerpted and edited from the book Edward Farmar and the Sons of Whitemarsh.

Major Samuel’s son, Richard Farmar, was a doctor, and according to a notice in the 11 October 1739 edition of the Pennsylvania Gazette, he recently arrived and settled in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. One can imagine Dr. Farmer attending to his uncle in the six years prior to Edward Farmar’s death in 1745.

“…Richard Farmar, Professor of Physick, Surgery, Chymistry and Pharmacy (lately come to this City and settled next Door but one to Owen Owen’s in Market-Street)…”[1]

Various other notices also appeared in the Pennsylvania Gazette including the sale of a female slave, property, and various items from his shop on Second Street. These articles, along with other research regarding wills, real estate, indentured servants, and philanthropy, have been included in the book.

Richard married first, Mary ___, and from this marriage came two sons:

Richard Farmar, died on 07 September 1779 and buried at Christ Church.

William Farmar. No other information available, presumed to have died very young.

Both sons died with no children. When his wife Mary died on 01 December 1745, she was buried at Christ Church. Dr. Farmar married second, Sarah Carmick, born 15 January 1721/2, daughter of a prominent merchant, Peter and Sarah (Hall) Carmick of Salem, New Jersey and Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.[2] Dr. Farmar and Sarah had one daughter, Sarah Farmar, born in 1753.

Richard’s wife Sarah died 02 July 1761 and was buried next to her sister Elizabeth (Carmick) Campbell at Christ Church. Shortly before 12 November 1763, Richard sailed from Philadelphia to Bristol, England and married third, Elizabeth “Eliza” Holroyd.

Dr. Farmar built a new “mansion house” for his wife Eliza as reported in a 1774 letter she wrote to her nephew John Holroyd. It is this house that has been described as being identical to Madame Farmar’s house; Madame Farmar as wife to Major Jasper would have been Richard’s grandmother. If the houses of Madame Farmer and Dr. Farmar were identical as mentioned, the house was described as follows:

“The only one of the old Colonial houses with a gable pointed toward the road. It was a two-story brick house, very substantially built. The materials were imported. The entrance was by a massive door which swung back into a wide hallway, brilliant from floor to ceiling with plate glass mirrors. The rooms on the first floor opened into the hallway on each side. They were wainscoted to the ceiling. One was also paneled most artistically. In this room a massive iron safe was built into the wall. The place was heated by large open fireplaces.”[7]

Soon after the start of the American Revolutionary War on 19 April 1775, Richard’s wife Eliza was dismayed by the actions of the British, evidenced in a letter to her nephew Jack Halroyd, a clerk at the East India Company in London.

“June 28th, 1775

My Dear Jack-

We have nothing going on now but preparations for war… there is hardly a man that is not old but is leaving, except the Quakers; and there is two Companys of them, all in a Pretty Uniform of Sky blue turn’d up with white. There is Six or Seven different sorts of Uniforms beside a Company of light Horse and one Rangers and another of Indians: these are all of Philadelphia; besides all the Provinces arming and Training in the same Manner for they are all determined to die or be Free. It is not the low Idle Fellow that fight only for pay, but Men of great property are Common Soldiers who secretagogue hgh say they are fighting for themselves and Posterity. There is accounts come that they are now fighting at Boston and that the Army set Charles Town on fire in order to land the Troops under cover of the Smoak…

The People are getting into Manufacture of different Sorts particularly Salt Peter and Gunpowder; the Smiths are almost all turned Gunsmiths and cannot work fast enough. God knows how it will end but I fear it will be very bad on both sides; and if your devilish Minestry and parliment don’t make some concesions and repeal the Acts, England will lose America for, as I said before, they are determined to be free…”[8]

When the British captured Philadelphia on 23 September 1777, General George Washington sought a way to recapture the city. On 04 October 1777, British Lieutenant General William Howe was headquartered with his troops in Germantown Township at James Logan’s house, now occupied by his grandson Dr. George Logan.[9] Washington divided his army into four groups with each group marching in the night along different paths. The American forces attacked in the pre-dawn fog with initial success. The British retreated, burning the fields to cover their escape in the smoke.

Some of the retreating British troops took refuge in the house of Benjamin Chew, which had been vacated on 04 August 1777. After bombarding the house to no affect and after trying to storm the house, Washington stopped his efforts and cordoned the house. This half hour delay, along with the fog, limited ammunition, lack of coordination, and several blunders, including one of his brigades never advancing and a drunk commander, General Adam Stephen, firing into General Anthony Wayne’s troops, costs Washington the victory.

The Siege of Chew’s House during the Battle of Germantown.

 

After three hours and surrounded by British troops, the American troops surrendered the “Battle of Germantown” en masse and the remaining troops re-organized at Pennypacker’s Mill. The battle wasn’t a total defeat. Not only did it provide a morale boost because of the near win, but it proved that Americans could stand up and fight against the British, which influenced the French to assist the American cause. Fortunately for Washington, had the British exploited the battle field and pursued Washington’s army, they would have defeated the entire American force, and presumably could have ended the war. One of the soldiers that fought with distinction was General Anthony Wayne, a native of Chester County, Pennsylvania.[10]

After the defeat at the Battle of Germantown, Washington’s army retreated along several paths and encampments until November 2, when Washington marched his forces to Whitemarsh Township. Howe, on his return march, burned all of the houses and businesses between Germantown Township and Philadelphia, including the Rising Sun Inn which was owned by William Maulsby, the son of Merchant Maulsby, Sr.[11]

Howe had decided to make one last attempt to destroy Washington’s army before the onset of winter. Through the reports of Lydia Darragh, a Quaker housewife, Washington was provided advance notice of Howe’s troop movements. Washington needed to ensure a victory as word about his leadership in the Continental Congress had started rumors of his replacement. His men were also cold, hungry, tired, unpaid since late summer, and discouraged having lost two major battles and the City of Philadelphia. By December 1, Washington was disappointed that the British had not yet attacked.

On midnight of December 4, Howe’s 14,000 men marched out of Philadelphia to Whitemarsh Township. That morning, 15,000 men of the Continental Army were awake and prepared, although Washington finds the British forces “much stronger than I had reason to expect for the accounting I had received…”[12]

Near Chestnut Hill in the pre-dawn hours on December 5, a short and fierce fight ensued and the Pennsylvanians retreated when the militia commander, General William Irvine, was captured. In three days of maneuvering, Howe’s troops moved back and forth across the American front, keeping about a mile away, while the Americans shadowed the British and denied Howe any point of attack. As Howe’s soldiers marched and countermarched, they burned the houses in Cresheim and Beggarstown. Johann Ewald, a German officer serving with the British, describes the scene on the night of December 6:

“The sight was horrible. The night was very dark. The blazing flames spread about with all swiftness and the wind blew violently. The cries of human voices of the young and old, who had seen their belongings consumed by the flames without saving anything, put everyone in a melancholy.”[13]

Robert Morton, a Quaker teenager from Philadelphia, writes in his diary that the soldiers…

“…committed great outrages on the inhabitants… as if the sole purpose of the expedition was to destroy and to spread ruin and desolation, to dispose the inhabitants to rebellion by despoiling their property…”[14]

Throughout the day of December 7, Howe made one last effort in a series of small-scale skirmishes in the thick woods known as the Battle of Edge Hill, but no full-scale battle developed. The next day, Howe, realizing he can neither outflank Washington nor draw him into the open, marched back to Philadelphia. Washington is disappointed as noted in his letter to Congress.

“I sincerely wish, that they had made an Attack… The Issue in all probability, from the disposition of our Troops and the strong situation of our Camp, would have been fortunate and happy… At the same time I must add that reason, prudence, and every principle of policy, forbad us quitting our post to attack them. Nothing but Success would have justified the measure, and this could not be expected from their position…”[15]

Battle of Whitemarsh

 

At the conclusion of the “Battle of White Marsh,” and with the British thirteen miles away in Philadelphia for the winter, the Continental Army left Whitemarsh on December 11. After an eight-day journey to travel thirteen miles, Washington and his army of 12,000 arrive at Valley Forge to the manor home of Edward Farmar’s grandson, Lieutenant Colonel William Farmar Dewees. Valley Forge’s high terrain overlooking wide, open areas and the proximity to the Schuylkill River provided advantages for supply movements, training, and protection against surprise enemy attacks. Approximately 1300 to 1600 huts of varying size, material, and construction were built for living quarters. For six months from 18 December 1777 to 19 June 1778, the army faced supply shortages, malnutrition, starvation, and disease where 1,700 to 2,000 soldiers and 1,500 horses died.

General Washington had earlier sent Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Stewart to defend the Dewees home. During this visit, Thomas first met Edward Farmar’s granddaughter, Rachel Dewees, a young and very lovely girl who was not quite eighteen years old. In a case of love at first sight, both were married only only a few months after they first met. After the wedding, the bridal party and their host of friends were returning to Thomas’ home in Bucks County on horseback when they met Washington. The General drew up his troops on each side of the road, then dismounted and congratulated Stewart and his bride. He also claimed the privilege of a kiss from the bride, who was well-known to General Washington.[16]

When Richard’s daughter, Sarah, fell in love with Major William Bowers, a Continental soldier, her parents were averse to the marriage. Tradition says that “Miss Sallie,” under the cover of darkness, climbed out of a second story window and eloped in 1778. Two sons were born to them; the eldest, Richard Farmar Bowers, was ordained minister of the Wesleyan United Society of Kensington, on 01 January 1827. The house passed on to Pastor Bowers, and when he died, “The Bowers Mansion” became the property of his second wife, whose maiden name was Marie Tilton. She occupied the house until her death in 1886, when the lot was purchased and the house demolished for a new Young Men’s Christian Association building.[17]

Richard’s wife Eliza died 11 August 1789 and was buried at Christ Church cemetery in Philadelphia. Richard died less than two years later and was also buried 18 January 1791 at Christ Church.

During the American Revolutionary War, Richard’s brother Samuel was in Norfolk, Virginia. He didn’t fare so well.

To be continued…

Philip Farmer is the author and publisher of “Edward Farmar and the Sons of Whitemarsh,” a 500-page, 155-year biographical history of the Farmer family’s immigration from Ireland into Pennsylvania, North Carolina, Virginia, Tennessee, and Harlan County, Kentucky. Complete with bibliography and footnotes that supports the research.

click me

Very well written and researched…” Ms. L. King

I love your work… Very interesting!Ms. B. H. Baker

“Amazing research! Ms. J. Shipley

“Wonderfully researched, well written… recommend it even if you’re not related to the Farmar’s…” Mr. D. Roark

 

 

 

[1] Pennsylvania Gazette, 11 October 1739, p.3; Pennsylvania Gazette, 25 October 1739, p.4; Pennsylvania Gazette, 01 November 1739, p.4.

[2] Abstract of Peter Carmick’s will:  “1754, July 13. Carmick, Peter, of Philadelphia, but late of Salem Town and Co., merchant… Children— Stephen, Elizabeth Campbell, and Sarah Farmar, Dec’d son John mentioned. House and lot of 16 acres in Salem Town; two lots of marsh and 12 a. of land in said Town, next to the Meeting House; sawmill on the West side of Morris River in Cumberland Co.; land on either side of said river; 1,000 acres in Piles Grove, Salem Co.; personal property. Executors — the son and daughters. Witnesses—John Hatkinsori, Daniel Dupuy, John Reily. Codicil of July 5, 1755, makes unimportant changes. Witnesses—William Savery Branson van Leer, John Reily. Proved Feb. 20, 1759 (Honeyman, Documents Relating to the Colonial History of the State of New Jersey, Vol. III, 1751-1760, p.53).

[3] Neible, “Account of Servants Bound and Assigned Before James Hamilton, Mayor of Philadelphia,” p.200.

[4] “Abstract of Wills at Philadelphia.” Publications of the Genealogical Society of Pennsylvania vol. 3, p.189-190.

[5] Honeyman, Documents Relating to the Colonial History of the State of New Jersey, Volume III, 1751-1760, p.32-33.

[6] Cook, Farmer of Ardevalaine, p.118. Original citation Loose Surveys, Philadelphia Contributionship; Microfilm Roll #3, HSP.

[7] Billopp, A History of Thomas and Anne Billopp Farmar, p.13. Original citation Pennsylvania Magazine of History, vol.4, p.451.

[8] North et al, In the Words of Women, p.94.

[9] James Logan died in 1751. The house, named “Stenton Mansion” was inherited by his son William Logan, and after his death in 1776, passed to William’s son Dr. George Logan.

[10] Anthony Wayne (01 January 1745 – 15 December 1796). Member of Pennsylvania Assembly, 1774-1775, 1784. Member of the Committee of Safety, 1775. Commissioned Colonel Fourth Pennsylvania Regiment, 03 January 1776. Commissioned Brigadier General in the American Army, 21 February 1777. Beveted Major-General, 10 October 1783. Elected to United States Congress from Georgia, 1719-1722. Appointed General-in-Chief of the United States Army with the rank of Major General, 03 April 1792.

[11] Barnard, Early Maltby, With Some Roades History and that of the Maulsby Family in America, p.153. William Maulsby, son of Merchant Maulsby, Sr., married Hannah Coulston, the granddaughter of Jacob and Ann Rhodes, at the Old Swedes’ Church, Philadelphia, in 1756. In 1763 he removed his certificate from Gwynedd to Philadelphia. He was owner of the Rising Sun Inn, on the Germantown Road, in Germantown Township, eleven miles from the city of Philadelphia.

[12] “The Battle of White Marsh,” MyRevolutionaryWar.com.

[13] “The Battle of White Marsh,” MyRevolutionaryWar.com.

[14] “The Battle of White Marsh,” MyRevolutionaryWar.com.

[15] “The Battle of White Marsh,” MyRevolutionaryWar.com.

[16] Jordan, et al. Personal Memoirs of The Lehigh Valley, p.42-43.

[17] Billopp, A History of Thomas and Anne Billopp Farmar, And Some of Their Descendants in America, p.13.

Major Samuel Farmar

In 1685, Major Jasper Farmar’s son, Samuel, remained in Ireland while the family moved to Pennsylvania. He would soon follow…

In an earlier blog, we explored whether Major Jasper Farmar’s son, Richard, made the trip to Pennsylvania in 1685. After examining the land deeds and other resources, Richard either remained or returned to Ireland soon after voyaging with his family. Burke’s Landed Gentry states that Richard…

“was obliged to leave Ireland in 1689, and retired with his family to Taunton Deane, in Somersetshire. He returned to Ireland in 1691…”[1]

We do know Richard’s brother, Samuel Farmar, after signing his name to his father’s will, remained in Ireland. Samuel, who was born about 1657, was a Major in the British Army who had married Lucy Wakeham in 1683.

Like his brother, the political shift in Ireland would cause Major Samuel to leave Ireland in March 1689.

King James II (1633-1701) portrayed in his role as head of the Army, wearing a General Officer’s State coat (ca.1685).

 

On 23 April 1685, King James II[2] was coronated at Westminster Abbey. Soon his nephew, the Duke of Monmouth, led a rebellion in southern England that was easily defeated. As a result, many of the rebels were executed or condemned to indentured servitude in the West Indies, including the names of several Farmers.

A digital reproduction of the first of 19 sheets of a copper engraving of the coronation procession of James II of England and Queen Mary of Modena.

 

As a Catholic, James passed several acts and appointed persons to office which caused him to lose favor with his Protestant subjects, including Major Samuel.

One such appointment on 05 April 1687 forced the Protestant Fellows of Magdalen College in Oxford to elect Anthony Farmer as the president in violation of their right to elect someone of their choice. Farmer was said to be a lewd womanizer and a drunk who frequented the local taverns along the River Thames and “did very often come into the college late at night, so much in drink, that he could scarce go or speak.” Other testimony stated he enticed others into “several debaucheries, both at taverns and bawdy-houses” than attending to academic duties. One witness claimed that Farmer received money to “publicly expose unto him a naked woman…”

One of those providing evidence against Farmer was William Levett, Doctor of Divinity and Principal of Magdalen Hall, whose testimony also disparaged Farmer’s character and temperament.

“Frequent complaints were brought to me by some of the masters that he raised quarrels and differences among them; that he often occasioned disturbances, and was of a troublesome and unpeaceable humour…”[3]

Anthony Farmer’s appointment and subsequent rejection escalated tension between James and the Anglican establishment, and was one of many events that led to the Glorious Revolution in 1688.

On 30 June 1688, a group of seven Protestant nobles invited William, Prince of Orange and James’ nephew, to come to England with an army. William arrived on 05 November 1688 with 18,000 troops and James was captured while trying to flee to France. William allowed James to escape on 23 December where he was received by James’ cousin, King Louis IV of France. By fleeing, Parliament declared that James had abdicated the throne and declared James’ daughter Anne as queen. Likewise, the Parliament of Scotland also declared on 11 April 1689 that James had forfeited the throne.

Portrait of William III, Prince of Orange, Stadholder and since 1689 also King of England. Probably based on a Sir Peter Lely prototype.

 

With the help of French troops, James landed in Ireland in March 1689, where James was still considered king. It was also where he was in favor of the predominantly Roman Catholic citizens who supported the Stuart monarchy during the wars throughout the 1640’s. They were the same wars in which Major Samuel’s father, Major Jasper Farmar, served and subsequently lost a portion of his land.

William counterattacked with English, Scottish, Dutch, and Danish troops to defeat James at the Battle of the Boyne on 01 July 1690, where James fled back to France. In late 1690, William’s forces occupied the ports of Cork and Kinsale during the First Siege of Limerick. After the Second Siege of Limerick and the subsequent Treaty of Limerick signed on 03 October 1691, Major Samuel’s brother, Richard, returned from England to his estates in Ireland.

Major Samuel immigrated to America where he purchased several large and valuable estates in Virginia[4]. He married again in 1704 to Mary Wilkinson, daughter of Cuthbert Wilkinson, Esq.

From the marriage of Major Samuel and Mary came the following children:

Samuel Farmar, “Merchant of Norfolk” (1707-1780)

Dr. Richard Farmar (1709-1791)

Robert Farmar (1711-1758). Robert was an officer in the Royal Navy and was killed in action off Dunkirk on board the Augusta.[5]

According to Burke’s Landed Gentry

“Samuel, major in the army, who purchased several valuable estates in Virginia, which were lost by his children, in consequence of their adherence to the royal cause in the American war.”[6]

The estates were lost by his children? To be continued…

Philip Farmer is the author and publisher of “Edward Farmar and the Sons of Whitemarsh,” a 500-page, 155-year biographical history of the Farmer family’s immigration from Ireland into Pennsylvania, North Carolina, Virginia, Tennessee, and Harlan County, Kentucky.

click to learn more

Very well written and researched…”
Ms. L. King

I love your work… Very interesting!
Ms. B. H. Baker

“Amazing research!
Ms. J. Shipley

 

 

 

[1] Burke, Sir John Bernard. A Genealogical and Heraldic Dictionary of the Landed Gentry of Great Britain and Ireland (1858), p.368.

[2] James was the Duke of York and the proprietor of New York when William Penn was made proprietor of Pennsylvania.

[3] Howell, T.B. A Complete Collection of State Trials and Proceedings for High Treason and Other Crimes and Misdemeanors, vol. 12 (1816), p.13.

[4] Burke, Landed Gentry in Ireland, p.217; Burke, A Genealogical and Heraldic Dictionary of the Landed Gentry of Great Britain and Ireland (1858), p.368.

[5] Cook, Lewis D. “Farmar of Ardevalaine, County Tipperary, Ireland and of Whitemarsh, Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania.” The Pennsylvania Genealogical Magazine, vol. 21, no. 2 (1959) p.108-109..

[6] Burke, A Genealogical and Heraldic Dictionary of the Landed Gentry of Great Britain and Ireland (1858), p.368.